The following article is taken from the August 2008 issue of the Main Street Journal.

Can Bill Gibbons Take Center Stage?
by Michael Roy Hollihan

When Shelby County District Attorney Bill Gibbons made his public announcement of interest in running for Governor, he did so in an unusual and quiet way. In July, at a food and fellowship Republican event, he simply told the Memphis Flyer’s Jackson Baker – Shelby County’s dean of political analysis and reporting – that he was “seriously interested” in running for governor of Tennessee in 2010. The resulting article was short but Gibbons’ message got out. His campaign, barring a single caveat, was officially underway.

That one thing that might stop him? Whether or not former Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist enters the gubernatorial race.

A month after the story appeared, I sat down with the District Attorney at his carpeted, almost corporate offices at 201 Poplar. They seemed unusually quiet. “You should come in the mornings,” Gibbons joked.

“Frist and I are good friends,” he says. “We are in communication with each other.”

Concerning a decision by Frist he adds, “We will probably know by the end of the calendar year what he is going to do. But if he decides not to run, I’m very interested in running. If I’m going to do this, this is the time to do it.”

And so it would seem. With Democratic Governor Phil Bredesen reaching the end of his second term the seat is wide open. But like any wide open race, the field is already started to get crowded.

Though two years away, a number of names have already been floated as parties interested in the Republican nomination. Those names include Congressman Zach Wamp, Congressman Marsha Blackburn, State Senator Ron Ramsey, State Senator Mark Norris and Knoxville Mayor Bill Haslam, a chief supporter of Bob Corker during his successful bid for Senate in 2006 who, like Corker, has considerable personal wealth which would drive his election campaign.

If the field is already crowded, Gibbons seems well aware. Though he seemingly ducked conventional wisdom by bluntly stating his intentions so far out, Gibbons is keeping some perspective. “I am not really trying to get out there too far and do too much because I’m not interested in a two-year campaign.”

For now, that means talking to potential fundraisers and donors in a low-key basis and assembling potential advisors, whom he declined to name. “We are having some meetings,” he says. “But for now, it’s low-key.”

“Realistically, his chances are remote right now,” Jackson Baker observes, “Largely because he’s a relative unknown statewide.”

“I think none of us would start out with that much state-wide name recognition,” Gibbons says. The primary would serve as a challenge to build out from a regional base. That Gibbons hails from Shelby County has its advantages and disadvantages. Shelby County boasts more Republican primary voters than any either Middle or East Tennessee. In a state where geography matters almost as much as political posturing, Gibbons acknowledges, “that’s a darn good place to start.”

State Senator Paul Stanley sees things the same way. “Shelby County is a good base. It’s hard to be known in all three Grand Divisions of the state. Haslam has the money. Ramsey can travel, thanks to his office. But Bill Gibbons is a county-wide elected official in a crime-fighting job.”

It is that office, twice-elected Shelby County District Attorney, and that job, top Shelby County prosecutor that will impact his long-term chances for winner.

In a city where crime has become issue number one, Gibbons has made many friends and some enemies over the way cases have been handled. George Kuykendall, of Citizens for Community Values, says of Gibbons, “I’ve seen him grow a lot. It was hard at first. He was kind of ambivalent enforcing the old, unconstitutional nuisance laws. Since the new laws, he has become aggressive. He’s been instrumental in things like going after strip clubs and stopping prostitution.”

Gibbons has built his reputation as District Attorney on pushing for tougher laws and longer sentences that cannot be shortened via parole or probation and making diversion harder to obtain. When I asked if this sort of approach would only raise the prison population, Gibbons cites states like Virginia, Florida and New York. In New York, Gibbons points out, a similar approach to fighting serious crime led to a reduction in prisoners. “Their tougher laws work. They deter a certain number of people from committing crimes and they keep repeat criminals off the streets.”

“My concern about the crime problem in our state is one reason I’m interested in running,” he adds. “I think I have a fairly unique perspective on that and I’m pretty well equipped to know what the solutions are.”

Still, in a city that remains racially charged, much more so than Nashville, Knoxville or Chattanooga, Gibbons could face tougher scrutiny on issues dealing with race than other potential candidates, due in large part to the nature of his job. Though Gibbons has garnered strong support from many leaders within the African-American community, there are some who have accused him on certain cases of racial bias.

Asked his take on the issue Baker says, “He is generally popular — or certainly more popular than most Republicans — with black pols. Some blacks, however, like some whites, see Gibbons as a PR-conscious D.A. who makes a point of ducking cases involving local political figures.”

The most prominent example seems to be the plea deal brokered in the case of Dale Mardis, who was eventually convicted of killing Shelby County Code Enforcement officer Mickey Wright. Blogger and political bulldog Thaddeus Matthews was scathing of the District Attorney’s office. “What I see is selective prosecution,” Matthews said. “The ‘No Deals’ thing is a joke. He makes deals.”

Still, Gibbons seems confident that his record as being tough on crime will stand. “When you look at the stats, it doesn’t bear out,” he says. “We took all our first-degree murder cases from 2001. I believe there were thirty-eight cases indicted. Of those first-degree murder cases, aggravated murders made up thirteen of them. All thirteen cases involved black on black crime.” Gibbons implies he’s not responsible for the crimes given to his office, just prosecuting them.

Gibbons believes he has good rapport with Democrats and African-Americans in Shelby County. He points to his 2006 reelection in which he captured a 2-1 margin of victory over his Democratic opponent. How well that will hold up in a statewide partisan race remains to be seen. Still, Gibbons believes that he remains the best candidate to carry West Tennessee. “I am probably the only one (among potential Republicans) who has any chance of carrying Shelby County, which can make a big difference.”

Jeff Ward, long time political activist and founder of TeamGOP offers some caution. Though Ward calls Gibbons a “gracious, decent man,” he adds that when it comes to statewide primaries, “Republicans in the Central and Eastern parts of the state don’t like Shelby County. If Gibbons were from Nashville, he would be much more popular. He notes that hard-line conservatives in general don’t do well in Tennessee any more. Ed Bryant is the clear example.

Baker counters that. “He can take conservative positions without alienating his more moderate or even liberal supporters. Given his moralistic turns as a D.A., he is ideally positioned to do a Mitt Romney-like turnaround with conservative Republicans.”

One factor that could boost Gibbons tremendously in parts of Central and East Tennessee is his longtime relationship with Senator Lamar Alexander, which has obviously influenced him. Gibbons, who served on staff for then Governor Alexander, seems to resonate with Alexander supporters. And though Alexander seems unlikely to endorse any Republican candidate during the primary season, Gibbons may be able to count on his Alexander pedigree to win over certain supporters within the Alexander camp.

This might explain why Gibbons remains outspoken and active when it comes to the issue of education. Spend a few minutes with Bill Gibbons and you will learn he is more than just crime.

“I am a product of public schools here in Memphis, as are my children. Still, I am concerned that many public schools statewide aren’t giving children the skills and values they need to compete in the global economy.”

Gibbons foresees a wake-up call when Tennessee moves from the current state testing standards to national ones in 2010. He believes Tennessee will be “shocked at how far behind we are. We are not adequately preparing a lot of our young people to be productive citizens in a competitive economy.”

Indicative of the potential candidate still dipping one toe in the water, Gibbons has not yet formed a firm approach on education policy. Still, he remains a strong advocate for innovation at the local level and a willingness to experiment. He approvingly cites Charlie McVean’s partnership with East High School to pay exceptional students to tutor poorly performing peers.

Gibbons has experience already in trying to bring change and improvement to Memphis city schools. He was part of the Memphis 2000 endeavor – a localized version of the first President Bush’s America 2000. It sought to find new partnerships and innovative strategies to combat the underlying causes of poor school performance.

But coming as it did from the white city leaders who then dominated local politics; it met stiff resistance from black leaders. A quote from a New York Times story of the time shows how successful the plan was:

“The initial reaction to us was, ‘A lot of talk and not much money.’” Mr. Gibbons said. “But we’re never going to get any more money until we have an understandable plan in place that the public supports.”

That task lies ahead, but Mr. Register believes Memphis 2000 ha more chance of success than any previous effort, partly because the process crafted to develop the plan includes so many diverse voices, and partly because Memphis itself is changing. The city now has its first black Mayor, a new school board, a largely new City Council, and a new superintendent of schools starting this summer.

“If it does not happen now, when does it happen?” Mr Register said.

Those words were written in 1992. A plan was made but follow-through fell apart. A common Memphis occurrence and not necessarily Gibbons’ fault..

The gubernatorial primary still remains a distant thought for Tennesseans, even most politicians. Two years, which in political terms is an eternity. Or as Senator Stanley puts it, “We are a long way from this race. The conversation goes to ‘What if X runs or doesn’t run?’ is way too early. Some may run. It’s too far away to try and handicap.”

But if we did not handicap, what would political writers have to write about?

The looming question remains, “Will Bill Frist run?” As Ward explains, “Any candidate in a non-Frist primary, if one comes to pass, will have to be a rock star. It will come down to money.” Whoever can get the early edge in money or profile and generate excitement might see support from party leaders and big-money donors who will line up quickly. “Money drives these elections. If Gibbons doesn’t have the money or he isn’t perceived as a winner, or they perceive that the front-runner is elsewhere, they might not line up behind him.”

That is how Ward sees it. And he is adamant on one thing, unfortunately. “Bill Frist is going to run. He wants to be president. But first he’s got to be Governor.”

Bill Gibbons may find himself the understudy who thinks his time has come to step onto the stage, only to learn that the lead has shown up after all. But like any good actor, he’s preparing himself as completely as possible for his chance.

He may be ready, but will he get to step into the limelight?